Sunday, January 31, 2010
Kathleen Davis, Periodization and Sovereignty...
Wednesday, January 27, 2010
Is It Tuesday? Then Here's Some Norse...
[Originally begun on Tuesday, but not completed until Wednesday morning.]
Much of my work this semester means translating Old English and Old Norse texts--two things I find fun and inspiring for digging into philology, language, and their workings. This proves a good thing for sparking my MLT reflections.
This week, I present my translation of a passage from Snorri Sturluson's prologue to his Edda,[1] in which he discusses the world, its properties, and how the first people perceived them. Snorri has a good reputation for his historical understanding of things--even Scandinavian mythological stories--and in his prologue, he presents a broad sweep of world history, starting with biblical stories of the Creation of the world, the Flood, and the growth and spread of clans. After describing some of the properties of the earth, he reports the following (3, lines 28-33):
They explained rocks and stones to signify [mean] teeth and bones of living creatures. From this they understood thus that the earth was alive and had life in some way [lit: with some type], and they knew that she [the earth] was very old in age and mighty in nature. She [the earth] feeds all living creatures and she owns for herself all that has died. For that reason [lit: sake] they gave to her a name and traced their lineage [lit: counted/told their clans] to her.
[1] Translations based on Edda: Prologue and Gylfaginning, ed. Anthony Faulkes, 2nd. ed. (London: Viking Society for Norther Research, 2005), cited by page and line numbers.
Saturday, January 23, 2010
More on Old & New Testament Apocrypha & Pseduepigrapha...
Friday, January 22, 2010
Old and New Testament Apocrypha & Pseudepigrapha Reading List...
Charlesworth, James H., ed., Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, 2 vols. (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983-85).
Hennecke, Edgar, and Wilhelm Schneemelcher, ed., New Testament Apocrypha, trans. R. McL. Wilson, revised ed., 2 vols. (Louisville: Westminster/John Knox P, 1991).
Robinson, James M., ed., The Nag Hammadi Library in English, 3rd ed. (New York: HarperCollins, 1988).
Vermes, Geza, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English (New York: Penguin, 1997).
Studies: Books
Alter, Robert, and Frank Kermode, The Literary Guide to the Bible (Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1987).
Brown, Raymond E., Joseph A. Fitzmyer, and Roland E. Murphy, ed., The New Jerome Biblical Commentary (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1990).
Cartlidge, David A., and J. Keith Elliott, Art and the Christian Apocrypha (New York: Routledge, 2001).
Charlesworth, James H., Authentic Apocrypha: False and Genuine Christian Apocrypha, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins Library 2 (North Richland Hills, TX: BIBAL P, 1998).
---, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha and the New Testament: Prolegomena for the Study of Christian Origins, Society for New Testament Studies 54 (Cambridge: Cambride UP, 1985).
Collins, John J., ed., Apocalypse: The Morphology of a Genre, Semeia 14 (Missoula, MT: Scholars P, 1979).
Helyer, Larry R., Exploring Jewish Literature of the Second Temple Period: A Guide for New Testament Students (Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 2002).
Johnson, Sara Raup, Historical Fictions and Hellenistic Jewish Identity: Third Maccabees in Its Cultural Context (Berkeley: U of California P, 2004).
Levine, Amy-Jill, with Maria Mayo Robbins, ed., A Feminist Companion to the New Testament Apocrypha, Feminist Companion to the New Testament and Early Christian Writings 11 (New York: T&T Clark, 2006).
Metzger, Bruce M., The New Testament: Its Background, Growth, and Content, 3rd. ed. (Nashville, TN: Abingdon P, 2003).
Stone, Michael E., ed., Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian Writings, Philo Josephus, Compendia Rerum Iudaicarum ad Novum Testamentum 2 (Assen: Fortress P, 1984).
VanderKam, James C., and William Adler, The Jewish Apocalyptic Heritage in Early Christianity, Compendia Rerum Iudicarum ad Novum Testamentum 4 (Assen: Fortress P, 1996).
Wright, N. T., Jesus and the Victory of God, Christian Origins and the Question of God 2 (Minneapolis: Fortress P, 1996).
---, The New Testament and the People of God, Christian Origins and the Question of God 1 (Minneapolis: Fortress P, 1992).
---, The Resurrection of the Son of God, Christian Origins and the Question of God 3 (Minneapolis: Fortress P, 2003).
Studies: Articles
Aland, Kurt, “The Problem of Anonymity and Pseudonymity in Christian Literature of the First Two Centuries,” Journal of Theological Studies 12 (1961): 39-49.
Baldwin, Joyce G., “Is There Pseudonymity in the Old Testament?” Themelios 4 (1978): 6-12.
DiTommaso, Lorenzo, “A Report on Pseudepigrapha Research Since Charlesworth’s Old Testament Pseudepigrapha,” Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha 12.2 (2001), 179-207.
Gero, Stephen, “Apocryphal Gospels: A Survey of Textual and Literary Problems,” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Part II: Principat, vol. 25.5 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1988), pp. 3969-96.
Guthrie, Donald, “The Development of the Idea of Canonical Pseudepigrapha in New Testament Criticism,” Vox Evangelica 1 (1962), 43-59.
Kraft, Robert, “The Pseudepigrapha in Christianity,” in Tracing the Threads: Studies in the Vitality of Jewish Pseudepigrapha, ed. John C. Reeves (Atlanta, 1994), 55-86.
Metzger, Bruce M., “Literary Forgeries and Canonical Pseudepigrapha,” Journal of Biblical Literature 91 (1972), 3-24.
Momigliano, Arnaldo, “Biblical Studies and Classical Studies: Simple Reflections About Historical Method,” Biblical Archaeologist 45 (1982), 224-8.
Bibliographies
Charlesworth, James H., “Research on the New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha,” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt, Part II: Principat, vol. 25.5 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1988), 3919-68.
---, with P. Dykers, and M. J. H. Charlesworth, The Pseudepigrapha and Modern Research, with a Supplement, Septuagint and Cognate Studies Series 7S (Chico, CA: Scholars P, 1981).
---, and James R. Mueller, The New Testament Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha: A Guide to Publications, with Excurses on Apocalypses, ATLA Bibliography Series 17 (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow P, 1987).
DiTommaso, Lorenzo, “Apocalypses and Apocalypticism in Antiquity (Part I),” Currents in Biblical Research 5 (2007), 235-286.
---, “Apocalypses and Apocalypticism in Antiquity (Part II),” Currents in Biblical Research 5 (2007), 367-432.
Online Resources
Early Christian Apocrypha, Emory University Pitts Theological Library, http://guides.theology.library.emory.edu/eca.
Online Critical Pseudepigrapha, ed. David M. Miller, Ken M. Penner, and Ian W. Scott, http://www.purl.org/net/ocp.
Wednesday, January 20, 2010
New Semester...
Friday, October 30, 2009
More on the Staffordshire Hoard and Psalm 67:2...
Tuesday, October 27, 2009
Capgrave on Dialect in the Life of S. Katherine...
Throughout The Life of Saint Katherine,[1] John Capgrave--like many fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Middle English authors--is self-consciously concerned about language. This is perhaps most apparent in his narrative about the origins and composition of his Life in the Prologue. This is, of course, a strong component of the humorous story of a priest attempting to eat a previous version of the Life (lines 85-112). Yet, throughout the Prologue, a number of other elements emerge that support Christopher Cannon’s assertion that “Place is therefore often an important shaping fact in the production of every Middle English text”[2]--as Capgrave particularly reveals his concerns about linguistic connections and geography.
Capgrave essentially offers two accounts of the source for his Life. The first, more chronologically proximate to his own time, is about a priest who spent “his lyve / To seke [Katherine’s] life yerys thyrtene and fyve” (48-49), and then “mad [the] lyff in Englysch tunge ful well” (57). The second account hearkens back to the ultimate source of the narrative, that of Athanasius’ “lyfe eke of this same mayde” (134). Surrounding of these two versions, however, Capgrave constructs a convoluted genealogy for his own Life, all of which is highly conscious of the linguistic complexity in the story’s transmission. Underlying this matter, we may turn to Cannon’s observations that Middle English texts contain their own complicated linguistic bases because “texts were mobile, sometimes traversing great distances before they were copied.”[3] While Cannon here describes the Middle English linguistic variations in scribal copying, we may apply this issue of transmission more broadly to include all of the shifts in language in storytelling across texts in the late Middle Ages. Capgrave himself, in fact, seems self-consciously aware of the travel of texts geographically and linguistically. For example, in recounting the transmission of Athanasius’ Life, Capgrave reveals that “on Arrek dyd it new i-sowe, / For owt of Grew [Greek] he hath it fyrst runge, / This holy lyff, into Latyne tunge” (173-75). Here Capgrave is especially concerned with the knowledge of this Life in the West, in the universal tongue of Latin.
The most deep-seated and self-conscious concerns about language, however, manifest throughout the Prologue in Capgrave’s continual reference to the priest seeking and translating the Life into English. The first indication of these matters is in Capgrave’s reference to the story’s roots “up in Grece” (51), where the priest finds it. Furthermore, linguistic transmission is complicated by the writing of this Life into English, a task at which the priest is not particularly successful: “And that he mad it is ful hard ther-too, / Ryth for straungenesse of his derk langage” (61-62; “derk langage” is again used for description in line 209). After all, “Dialctical variety in Middle English was often so great, ...that, despite an underlying unity of grammatical structure and a largely common vocabulary, there were indeed problems of mutual intelligibility between speakers from different regions.”[4] Again, toward the end of the Prologue, Capgrave returns to this problem in mentioning that “Of the west cuntré it semeth that he was / Be his maner speech and be his style” (225-26)--a suggestion that not only situates this text geographically in England but also works as an implicit judgment on the priest’s western dialect. Further solidifying the linguistic judgment made here, readers must remember Capgrave’s earlier judgments about this translation’s “derk langage” (62, 209).
All of these linguistic concerns finally culminate in the final three stanzas of the Prologue. In these stanzas, Capgrave turns to his own work, relating that “Aftyr him [the priest] nexte I take upon me / To translate this story and set it more pleyne” (232-33). Again, the judgment of the previous English version of the Life is implicit. After invoking the help of God for writing such a holy work (236-37), Capgrave identifies himself. Yet, this identification is not in name but in geographical origin: “If ye wyll wete what I am, / My cuntré is Northfolke, of the town of Lynne” (239-40). The verbal parallel of “cuntré” between the identities of the priest and Capgrave allows for the poet to both separate himself from his predecessor (and, of course, his western dialect) and establish his own identity; subsequently, Capgrave also linguistically authorizes his own Life as a worthy English translation.
[1] Ed. Karen A. Winstead (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1999).
[2] Middle English Literature (Cambridge: Polity P, 2008), 106. Cannon’s chapter titled “Place” (105-49) provides a valuable discussion of English linguistic geography and Middle English texts central to my views in this essay.
[3] Middle English Literature, 107.
[4] Cannon, Middle English Literature, 105; for a humorous but poignant example, see Cannon’s example from Caxton’s 1490 prologue to the Eneydos, in which merchant travelers encounter problems in asking for eggs (106).
